{"id":22474,"date":"2024-08-15T12:00:55","date_gmt":"2024-08-15T09:00:55","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/crjm.org\/restrictia-de-a-candida-la-alegeri-pentru-persoanele-care-au-pus-sau-continua-sa-puna-in-pericol-independenta-statului-nu-este-o-violare-a-conventiei-europene-a-drepturilor-omului\/22474\/"},"modified":"2024-08-23T10:43:15","modified_gmt":"2024-08-23T07:43:15","slug":"the-restriction-on-running-for-office-for-individuals-who-have-jeopardized-or-continue-to-jeopardize-the-states-independence-does-not-constitute-a-violation-of-the-european-convention-on-human-rights","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/crjm.org\/en\/the-restriction-on-running-for-office-for-individuals-who-have-jeopardized-or-continue-to-jeopardize-the-states-independence-does-not-constitute-a-violation-of-the-european-convention-on-human-rights\/22474\/","title":{"rendered":"The restriction on running for office for individuals who have jeopardized or continue to jeopardize the state’s independence does not constitute a violation of the European Convention on Human Rights"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
<\/div>\n\n\n\n

When the European Court of Human Rights (hereinafter referred to as the ECtHR) examines issues concerning compliance with Article 3 of Protocol No. 1 (the right to free elections) to the European Convention on Human Rights (hereinafter referred to as the ECHR), it focuses on two criteria: whether there was an arbitrary element or a lack of proportionality, and whether the restriction interfered with the free expression of the people\u2019s will.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

In the case of \u017ddanoka v. Latvia (No. 2)<\/a> (judgment delivered on 25 July 2024<\/strong>), the ECtHR unanimously decided that the right to free elections had not been violated.<\/strong> The case concerned the exclusion of politician Tatjana \u017ddanoka from the list of candidates in the 2018 parliamentary elections.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Case Background:<\/strong>

In 1971, Tatjana \u017ddanoka became a member of the Communist Party of Latvia, the regional branch of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, where she held prominent positions. Following Latvia’s restoration of independence in 1991, the Communist Party was outlawed.

Since then, \u017ddanoka has been prohibited from participating in national parliamentary elections, although no such restrictions applied to European Parliament elections. She served as a Member of the European Parliament from 2004 to 2024.

In the 2018 elections, \u017ddanoka was nominated as a candidate by the Latvian Russian Union party. During this period, the Constitutional Court of Latvia upheld the constitutionality of the legal ban on former KGB agents running for parliamentary office, emphasizing that “the purpose of the restriction is to safeguard the democratic order of the state, national security, and Latvia’s territorial integrity.” Based on these considerations, the Central Election Commission of Latvia removed her from the electoral list.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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ECtHR’s Findings:<\/strong>

Regarding the proportionality of the measure, the ECtHR reaffirmed the conclusions of the Grand Chamber in the \u017ddanoka<\/strong><\/a> (No. 1) case, stressing that the primary aim of the restriction was not to punish, but to safeguard the integrity of the democratic process. The Court highlighted that the applicant’s stance, which opposed the independence of the state, and her refusal to distance herself from the Communist Party’s anti-democratic position, even in the post-Soviet era, were pivotal factors.

Although the ECtHR acknowledged that maintaining the restriction in 2018 might weigh in favor of the applicant, it could not reach this conclusion given the specific and sensitive context of the case. The Court considered that Latvia borders Russia, a state that has invaded and controls the territories of its neighbors. Thus, the restriction must be interpreted given the wide margin of appreciation granted to the state in this area.

While it is true that the Central Election Commission\u2019s decision, based on reports from state security agencies, might be viewed as somewhat vague regarding which of the applicant’s actions were specifically considered by the authorities as threats to Latvia\u2019s independence and democratic order, the ECtHR drew parallels with the case of Kirkorov v. Lithuania<\/strong><\/a>. <\/strong>In that case, the Court found that the authorities’ decision was not arbitrary when they prohibited entry to an artist who was an active promoter of disinformation and propaganda.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Considering the applicant\u2019s public profile, the Latvian authorities\u2019 assessment noted that \u017ddanoka actively supported Russia’s annexation of Crimea, including her participation as an observer in the “elections” held in the annexed Crimea. She also contributed to Russian propaganda at events organized by her party and in Russian television broadcasts, where she expressed views favorable to Russia\u2019s expansionist policies, spread misinformation about the war in Ukraine, and promoted narratives that divide society and destabilize the existing order. This has led to artificial polarization among ethnic groups, creating tensions within Latvian society.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Considering these factors, the ECtHR concluded that restricting the candidacy of individuals who have endangered and continue to endanger, the state\u2019s independence and the principles of a democratic state was legitimate and proportionate.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Personal Note<\/strong>:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The case of \u017ddanoka v. Latvia (No. 2) provides a fascinating example of the complex interplay between the protection of national security and the safeguarding of human rights, particularly the right to participate in elections. The applicant\u2019s public profile and activities were decisive in the authorities\u2019 assessment of the perceived threat to national security, underscoring the significant role that the geopolitical context plays in such decisions<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Nevertheless, restrictions on the right to stand for election must not be wielded arbitrarily or as a means to suppress political opposition.<\/strong> These measures should be based on clear and compelling evidence, addressing a genuine and immediate threat to security and democratic order. The ECtHR emphasizes that national authorities must demonstrate the existence of a concrete danger, thereby ensuring that such restrictions are not applied abusively or disproportionately. Furthermore, the ECtHR considers electoral legislation within the broader context of a country\u2019s political developments, acknowledging that measures deemed unacceptable in one system may be justified in another<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Moreover, it is essential that these restrictive measures be subject to regular review to ensure they remain pertinent and proportionate as geopolitical contexts and democratic landscapes evolve. This approach is vital to safeguarding democracy from being compromised by its own protective mechanisms.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

***<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the context of today\u2019s geopolitical climate, particularly the ongoing war in Ukraine and its implications for national security across Europe, it is anticipated that the ECtHR will continue to render decisions on these issues. Such rulings will likely shape a new body of legal practice that is responsive to contemporary challenges.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Author: Daniel GOINIC, Human Rights Programme Director<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Photo credit: Freepik, LSM, ECtHR<\/i><\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

When the European Court of Human Rights (hereinafter referred to as the ECtHR) examines issues concerning compliance with Article 3 of Protocol No. 1 (the right to free elections) to the European Convention on Human Rights (hereinafter referred to as the ECHR), it focuses on two criteria: whether there was an arbitrary element or a […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":8,"featured_media":22369,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[160],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-22474","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-blog-en"],"acf":[],"cp_meta_data":{"_encloseme":["1"],"nd_options_meta_box_post_title":["1"],"nd_options_meta_box_post_margin":["1"],"nd_options_meta_box_post_sidebar_position":["nd_options_full_width"],"nd_options_meta_box_post_header_img_title":[""],"nd_options_meta_box_post_header_img_position":["nd_options_background_position_center_top"],"nd_options_meta_box_post_quote":[""],"nd_options_meta_box_post_quote_author":[""],"nd_options_meta_box_post_link_title":[""],"nd_options_meta_box_post_link_url":[""],"nd_options_meta_box_post_media_code":[""],"nd_options_meta_box_woocommerce_header_img_title":[""],"nd_options_meta_box_woocommerce_header_img_position":[""],"_wp_page_template":["default"],"nd_options_meta_box_post_color":[""],"_yoast_wpseo_primary_category":["160"],"_yoast_wpseo_content_score":["30"],"_yoast_wpseo_estimated-reading-time-minutes":["6"],"_wpml_location_migration_done":["1"],"classic-editor-remember":["block-editor"],"_yoast_wpseo_wordproof_timestamp":[""],"dce_widgets":["a:14:{s:12:\"social-icons\";a:2:{s:8:\"10acd4f3\";i:1;s:7:\"0f10aa7\";i:1;}s:6:\"button\";a:2:{s:7:\"19995d7\";i:1;s:7:\"b0a7040\";i:1;}s:22:\"wpml-language-switcher\";a:1:{s:7:\"095f9c2\";i:1;}s:9:\"site-logo\";a:1:{s:7:\"867d371\";i:1;}s:8:\"nav-menu\";a:1:{s:8:\"5f39d2fc\";i:1;}s:10:\"author-box\";a:1:{s:8:\"6587ff01\";i:1;}s:6:\"spacer\";a:2:{s:7:\"abfa2f9\";i:1;s:7:\"32fb644\";i:1;}s:16:\"theme-post-title\";a:1:{s:8:\"2eb071c3\";i:1;}s:18:\"theme-post-content\";a:1:{s:7:\"2fa957d\";i:1;}s:11:\"text-editor\";a:3:{s:8:\"35518a20\";i:1;s:7:\"961a24a\";i:1;s:7:\"4819d23\";i:1;}s:13:\"share-buttons\";a:1:{i:6278061;i:1;}s:7:\"heading\";a:11:{s:7:\"1588fe3\";i:1;s:8:\"37a78161\";i:1;s:8:\"1760c51d\";i:1;s:8:\"5a50a8ca\";i:1;s:8:\"564ce72d\";i:1;s:7:\"961ffe1\";i:1;s:7:\"d55474e\";i:1;s:8:\"21bcea87\";i:1;s:7:\"853019b\";i:1;s:7:\"7336c1f\";i:1;s:7:\"af317c8\";i:1;}s:5:\"posts\";a:1:{s:7:\"024f92c\";i:1;}s:9:\"icon-list\";a:4:{s:8:\"693e1fb6\";i:1;s:8:\"110976c1\";i:1;s:8:\"5187688e\";i:1;s:7:\"d1e2ce1\";i:1;}}"],"_wp_old_date":["2022-12-23"],"_eael_post_view_count":["3068"],"_yoast_wpseo_linkdex":["63"],"_thumbnail_id":["22369"],"_edit_lock":["1724398998:10"],"_last_translation_edit_mode":["native-editor"],"_edit_last":["10"],"_wpml_media_has_media":["1"],"_elementor_pro_version":["3.23.3"],"nd_options_meta_box_page_title":[""],"nd_options_meta_box_page_margin":[""],"nd_options_meta_box_page_header_img":[""],"nd_options_meta_box_page_header_img_title":[""],"nd_options_meta_box_page_header_img_position":[""],"nd_options_meta_box_post_header_img":[""],"nd_options_meta_box_woocommerce_header_img":[""],"_wpml_media_featured":["1"],"_wpml_media_duplicate":["1"],"mec_location_id":["0"],"mec_additional_location_ids":["a:0:{}"],"mec_organizer_id":["0"],"mec_additional_organizer_ids":["a:0:{}"],"_elementor_template_type":["wp-post"],"_elementor_version":["3.9.1"],"_elementor_data":["[{\"id\":\"125266f7\",\"elType\":\"section\",\"settings\":[],\"elements\":[{\"id\":\"68f487db\",\"elType\":\"column\",\"settings\":{\"_column_size\":100},\"elements\":[{\"id\":\"35518a20\",\"elType\":\"widget\",\"settings\":{\"editor\":\"

Cu doi ani \\u00een urm\\u0103, la 20 noiembrie 2020, Parlamentul Republicii Moldova a aprobat \\u00een lectur\\u0103 final\\u0103 <\\\/span>crearea unei subcomisii<\\\/a> pentru exercitarea controlului parlamentar asupra execut\\u0103rii hot\\u0103r\\u00e2rilor Cur\\u021bii Europene a Drepturilor Omului (CtEDO) \\u0219i a hot\\u0103r\\u00e2rilor Cur\\u021bii Constitu\\u021bionale. Aceasta trebuia s\\u0103 activeze distinct, fiind responsabil\\u0103 de implementarea m\\u0103surilor \\u0219i de elaborarea proiectelor de legi sau a politicilor necesare pentru executarea hot\\u0103r\\u00e2rilor CtEDO \\u0219i a Cur\\u021bii Constitu\\u021bionale.<\\\/span><\\\/b><\\\/p>

\\u00a0<\\\/span><\\\/p>

Componen\\u021ba numeric\\u0103 \\u0219i nominal\\u0103 a subcomisiei se aprob\\u0103 de Comisia juridic\\u0103, numiri \\u0219i imunit\\u0103\\u021bi cu votul majorit\\u0103\\u021bii membrilor, \\u00eens\\u0103, obligatoriu, func\\u021bia de pre\\u015fedinte(\\u0103) al subcomisiei \\u00eei revine opozi\\u0163iei parlamentare.<\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\u00a0<\\\/span><\\\/p>

Atribu\\u021biile \\u0219i modul de desf\\u0103\\u0219urare a activit\\u0103\\u021bii subcomisiei trebuie stabilite printr-un regulament aprobat prin hot\\u0103r\\u00e2rea Parlamentului.<\\\/span> Din c\\u00e2te cunoa\\u0219tem, nici dup\\u0103 doi ani, la zi nu exist\\u0103 o asemenea ini\\u021biativ\\u0103 legislativ\\u0103.<\\\/span><\\\/u><\\\/p>\",\"typography_typography\":\"custom\",\"text_columns\":\"1\",\"typography_font_family\":\"Roboto Slab\",\"typography_font_weight\":\"400\",\"__globals__\":{\"typography_typography\":\"\"}},\"elements\":[],\"widgetType\":\"text-editor\"}],\"isInner\":false}],\"isInner\":false},{\"id\":\"db7613a\",\"elType\":\"section\",\"settings\":[],\"elements\":[{\"id\":\"1e5f44f\",\"elType\":\"column\",\"settings\":{\"_column_size\":100},\"elements\":[{\"id\":\"961a24a\",\"elType\":\"widget\",\"settings\":{\"editor\":\"

\\\"\\\"\\u00a0Ce probleme identific\\u0103 CtEDO cu referire la sistemul na\\u021bional?<\\\/span><\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\u00a0<\\\/span><\\\/span><\\\/p>

La finele anului 2022,\\u00a0<\\\/span>CtEDO a pronun\\u021bat 575 de hot\\u0103r\\u00e2ri care vizeaz\\u0103 Republica Moldova<\\\/a>, aceast\\u0103 cifr\\u0103 fiind mai mare dec\\u00e2t num\\u0103rul hot\\u0103r\\u00e2rilor ce vizeaz\\u0103, de exemplu, Germania sau Spania \\u2013 state cu o popula\\u021bie mult mai numeroas\\u0103.\\u00a0<\\\/span>Majoritatea dintre acestea sunt repetitive, adic\\u0103 se refer\\u0103 la viol\\u0103ri constatate de CtEDO cu mul\\u021bi ani \\u00een urm\\u0103. Acest fapt confirm\\u0103, implicit, c\\u0103 Moldova nu \\u00eentreprinde suficiente m\\u0103suri pentru a executa hot\\u0103r\\u00e2rile CtEDO. \\u0218i datele Consiliului Europei\\u00a0confirm\\u0103 acest lucru<\\\/a>. La finele lunii septembrie 2022, Republica Moldova avea neexecutate 130 de cauze, dintre care 53 cauze de referin\\u0163\\u0103 (care presupun probleme structurale sau sistemice).<\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\u00a0<\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\u00cen ceea ce prive\\u0219te num\\u0103rul cauzelor neexecutate pendinte, Moldova este \\u00een\\u00a0top zece \\u021b\\u0103ri<\\\/a>\\u00a0din cele 46 de \\u0163\\u0103ri membre ale Consiliului Europei, iar durata medie de implementare a cauzelor de referin\\u021b\\u0103 de c\\u0103tre Republica Moldova este de circa 9 ani.<\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\u00a0<\\\/span><\\\/p>

Ca\\u00a0probleme \\u0219i abateri sistemice<\\\/a>, pot fi enumerate, inclusiv, arest\\u0103rile nemotivate, maltratarea \\u0219i investigarea ineficient\\u0103 a maltrat\\u0103rii, deten\\u021bia \\u00een condi\\u021bii proaste sau violen\\u021ba domestic\\u0103. Num\\u0103rul mare de cereri primite \\u0219i hot\\u0103r\\u00e2ri pronun\\u021bate de CtEDO demonstreaz\\u0103, de asemenea, un nivel sc\\u0103zut de \\u00eencredere \\u00een sistemul juridic na\\u021bional \\u0219i func\\u021bionalitatea precar\\u0103 a acestuia, precum \\u0219i lipsa unor r\\u0103spunsuri corespunz\\u0103toare din partea autorit\\u0103\\u021bilor na\\u021bionale.<\\\/span><\\\/p>\",\"typography_typography\":\"custom\",\"text_columns\":\"1\",\"typography_font_family\":\"Roboto Slab\",\"typography_font_weight\":\"400\",\"__globals__\":{\"typography_typography\":\"\"}},\"elements\":[],\"widgetType\":\"text-editor\"}],\"isInner\":false}],\"isInner\":false},{\"id\":\"aa93fc2\",\"elType\":\"section\",\"settings\":[],\"elements\":[{\"id\":\"fdc9e84\",\"elType\":\"column\",\"settings\":{\"_column_size\":100},\"elements\":[{\"id\":\"4819d23\",\"elType\":\"widget\",\"settings\":{\"editor\":\"

Executarea hot\\u0103r\\u00e2rilor CtEDO \\u0219i a CC \\u2013 problema Parlamentului?<\\\/span><\\\/span>\\u00a0<\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\u00a0<\\\/span><\\\/p>

Executarea hot\\u0103r\\u00e2rilor CtEDO este sarcina primordial\\u0103 a Guvernului, prin intermediul\\u00a0Agentului Guvernamental<\\\/a>. Totu\\u0219i, acest proces complex \\u0219i de durat\\u0103, necesit\\u0103 o monitorizare constant\\u0103 de c\\u0103tre legislativ, dup\\u0103 cum a fost recomandat prin\\u00a0<\\\/span>Rezolu\\u021biile Adun\\u0103rii Parlamentare a Consiliului Europei (APCE) nr.\\u00a01823 din 2011<\\\/a>\\u00a0\\u0219i\\u00a02178 din 2017<\\\/a>.\\u00a0<\\\/span>APCE a chemat parlamentele s\\u0103-\\u0219i focuseze eforturile pe supravegherea hot\\u0103r\\u00e2rilor CtEDO \\u0219i prin monitorizarea pa\\u0219ilor \\u00eentreprin\\u0219i de autorit\\u0103\\u021bi \\u0219i a m\\u0103surilor luate.<\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\u00a0<\\\/span><\\\/p>

Cu alte cuvinte, Parlamentul are un rol esen\\u021bial \\u00een executarea hot\\u0103r\\u00e2rilor CtEDO. Practicile statelor membre ale Consiliului Europei au ar\\u0103tat c\\u0103 executarea hot\\u0103r\\u00e2rilor CtEDO \\u00een ceea ce prive\\u0219te problemele sistemice a fost mai eficient\\u0103 atunci\\u00a0c\\u00e2nd parlamentele au intervenit \\u0219i au cooperat cu guvernele lor<\\\/a>. Desigur, nu toate hot\\u0103r\\u00e2rile CtEDO necesit\\u0103 o interven\\u021bie din partea Parlamentului. \\u00cens\\u0103 problemele sistemice, a\\u0219a cum sunt \\u00eencadrate de CtEDO sau Comitetul de Mini\\u0219tri, solicit\\u0103 m\\u0103suri legislative \\u00eentr-un context mult mai larg de reforme (administrative, institu\\u021bionale \\u0219i structurale). \\u00cen alte situa\\u021bii, Parlamentul p\\u0103streaz\\u0103 rolul primordial de execu\\u021bie, atunci c\\u00e2nd o hot\\u0103r\\u00e2re denot\\u0103 o problem\\u0103 care decurge dintr-o legisla\\u021bie problematic\\u0103 sau incompatibil\\u0103 cu CEDO.<\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\u00a0<\\\/span><\\\/p>

Pe l\\u00e2ng\\u0103<\\\/span>\\u00a0Rezolu\\u021biile APCE, acest mecanism parlamentar este inspirat \\u0219i din experien\\u021ba altor \\u021b\\u0103ri, cum ar fi Marea Britanie,\\u00a0 Polonia sau Ucraina. De exemplu, \\u00ee<\\\/span>n Polonia, Comisia pentru Justi\\u021bie \\u0219i Drepturile Omului din camera inferioar\\u0103 (Sejm) a parlamentului a avut o subcomisie pentru executarea hot\\u0103r\\u00e2rilor CtEDO. Subcomisia a fost \\u00eenfiin\\u021bat\\u0103 \\u00een 2014 \\u0219i preg\\u0103tea proiectele de legi \\u0219i\\\/sau planuri de ac\\u021biuni privind executarea hot\\u0103r\\u00e2rilor CtEDO. Aceasta raporta ambelor camere, at\\u00e2t Sejm-ului, c\\u00e2t \\u0219i Senatului. Din 2014, Polonia a reu\\u0219it s\\u0103 finalizeze procedura de executare pentru un total de 503 hot\\u0103r\\u00e2ri pronun\\u021bate de CtEDO. Num\\u0103rul de hot\\u0103r\\u00e2ri poloneze care urmeaz\\u0103 s\\u0103 fie executate sub supravegherea Comitetului de Mini\\u0219tri a sc\\u0103zut semnificativ de la 523 la\\u00a0nivelul record de 95 la sf\\u00e2r\\u0219itul anului 2019<\\\/a>.<\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\u00a0<\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\u00cen alt\\u0103 ordine de idei, potrivit art. 28 din Legea cu privire la Curtea Constitu\\u021bional\\u0103, actele Cur\\u021bii sunt acte oficiale \\u0219i executorii pentru to\\u021bi. Ca urmare a hot\\u0103r\\u00e2rii Cur\\u021bii Constitu\\u021bionale, cel mai frecvent se impune modificarea legisla\\u021biei. Hot\\u0103r\\u00e2rile Cur\\u021bii Constitu\\u021bionale sunt destinate \\u00een primul r\\u00e2nd legislatorului, dar \\u0219i altor subiec\\u021bi, care particip\\u0103 la procesul legislativ. Lipsa unei interven\\u021bii legislative a Parlamentului \\u00een vederea execut\\u0103rii actelor instan\\u021bei de jurisdic\\u021bie constitu\\u021bional\\u0103 echivaleaz\\u0103 cu neexercitarea competen\\u021bei de baz\\u0103 a acestuia, \\u0219i anume cea de legiferare, atribuit\\u0103 de Constitu\\u021bie.\\u00a0<\\\/span>Situa\\u021bia nu este mai bun\\u0103 nici la nivelul execut\\u0103rii hot\\u0103r\\u00e2rilor Cur\\u021bii Constitu\\u021bionale. Parlamentul a r\\u0103mas restant cu neexecutarea a\\u00a024 de hot\\u0103r\\u00e2ri pronun\\u021bate de c\\u0103tre Curte<\\\/a>\\u00a0(dintre care 12 pronun\\u021bate \\u00een 2021).<\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\u00a0<\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\\"\\\"De<\\\/span><\\\/span>\\u00a0ce este necesar\\u0103 instituirea subcomisiei parlamentare\\u00a0?<\\\/span><\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\u00a0<\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\u00cen primul r\\u00e2nd, acest lucru deriv\\u0103 din\\u00a0recomand\\u0103rile Consiliului Europei<\\\/a>, prin care parlamentele na\\u021bionale trebuie s\\u0103 \\u00ee\\u0219i fortifice poten\\u021bialul de care dispun pentru a supraveghea punerea \\u00een aplicare a standardelor CEDO, inclusiv prin controlul execut\\u0103rii hot\\u0103r\\u00e2rilor CtEDO.<\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\u00a0<\\\/span><\\\/p>

Subcomisa parlamentar\\u0103 va fi acea verig\\u0103 ce ar impulsiona eforturile de executare a hot\\u0103r\\u00e2rilor CtEDO \\u0219i de control al execut\\u0103rii hot\\u0103r\\u00e2rilor Cur\\u021bii Constitu\\u021bionale, prin urm\\u0103toarele activit\\u0103\\u021bi:<\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\u00a0<\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\u00b7\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0<\\\/span><\\\/span>va analiza m\\u0103surile cu caracter general propuse de c\\u0103tre Agentul guvernamental, \\u0219i, dup\\u0103 caz, va recomanda acestuia alte m\\u0103suri cu caracter general \\u0219i va verifica implementarea m\\u0103surilor cu caracter general \\u0219i individual\\u00a0;<\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\u00a0<\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\u00b7\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0<\\\/span><\\\/span>va coopera intrinsec cu Avocatul Poporului, Consiliul pentru egalitate \\u0219i organiza\\u021biile societ\\u0103\\u021bii civile privind existen\\u021ba \\u0219i transmiterea de informa\\u021bii alternative necesare procesului de executare a m\\u0103surilor cu caracter general\\u00a0;<\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\u00a0<\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\u00b7\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0<\\\/span><\\\/span>va organiza audieri cu privire la executarea hot\\u0103r\\u00e2rilor CtEDO \\u0219i ale Cur\\u021bii Constitu\\u021bionale, a raportului anual al Guvernului cu privire la executarea hot\\u0103r\\u00e2rilor \\u0219i a deciziilor CtEDO \\u0219i va prezenta \\u00een plenul Parlamentului propriul raport cu privire la executarea acestora. La audieri ar putea fi invita\\u021bi\\u00a0<\\\/span>inclusiv reprezentan\\u021bii sistemului judec\\u0103toresc \\u0219i ai procuraturii, Avocatul Poporului, reprezentan\\u021bii societ\\u0103\\u021bii civile cu experien\\u021b\\u0103 \\u00een domeniu etc;<\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\u00a0<\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\u00b7\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0<\\\/span><\\\/span>va putea verifica dac\\u0103 autorit\\u0103\\u021bile publice s-au conformat \\u00een mod corespunz\\u0103tor hot\\u0103r\\u00e2rilor Cur\\u021bii Constitu\\u021bionale, \\u0219i, dac\\u0103 va considera oportun, va organiza audieri cu privire la executarea unei sau mai multor hot\\u0103r\\u00e2ri ale Cur\\u021bii Constitu\\u021bionale \\u0219i va elabora proiecte de legi necesare pentru executarea acestora;<\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\u00a0<\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\u00b7\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0\\u00a0<\\\/span><\\\/span>ar putea da recomand\\u0103ri \\u0219i eventuale solu\\u021bii privind problemele \\u00eent\\u00e2mpinate \\u00een procesul de supraveghere a execut\\u0103rii hot\\u0103r\\u00e2rilor.\\u00a0<\\\/span>Cu toate acestea, recomand\\u0103rile nu se vor referi la solu\\u021biile judec\\u0103torilor \\u0219i procurorilor \\u00een cauzele concrete pendinte.<\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\u00a0<\\\/span><\\\/i><\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\u00cen loc de concluzii\\u00a0:<\\\/span><\\\/i><\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\u00a0<\\\/span><\\\/span><\\\/p>

Hot\\u0103r\\u00e2rile CtEDO, dar \\u0219i ale Cur\\u021bii Constitu\\u021bionale, sunt \\u00een mod justificat recunoscute aduc\\u00e2nd dreptate victimelor \\u00eenc\\u0103lc\\u0103rilor drepturilor omului. Chiar \\u0219i a\\u0219a, aceste hot\\u0103r\\u00e2ri sunt doar un prim pas c\\u0103tre protec\\u021bia acestor drepturi. Din p\\u0103cate, implementarea acestora dureaz\\u0103 \\u00een timp. Acest lucru poate conduce la repetarea \\u00eenc\\u0103lcarilor identificate.<\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\u00a0<\\\/span><\\\/p>

Practica demonstreaz\\u0103 c\\u0103 angajamentul sporit \\u0219i o colaborare str\\u00e2ns\\u0103 \\u00eentre autorit\\u0103\\u021bi pot conduce c\\u0103tre un progres semnificativ \\u00een implementarea eficient\\u0103 a acestora.<\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\u00a0<\\\/span><\\\/p>

Sper, astfel, s\\u0103 cre\\u0219tem gradul de con\\u0219tientizare a acestor probleme \\u0219i s\\u0103 motiv\\u0103m Parlamentul s\\u0103 adopte un rol proactiv \\u0219i s\\u0103 instituie (cel pu\\u021bin, dar c\\u00e2t mai cur\\u00e2nd posibil) subcomisia de specialitate<\\\/span><\\\/u>.<\\\/span><\\\/p>

\\u00a0<\\\/span><\\\/p>

Surse foto: parlament.md; brugesgroup.com; trm.md<\\\/i><\\\/span><\\\/span><\\\/p>\",\"typography_typography\":\"custom\",\"text_columns\":\"1\",\"typography_font_family\":\"Roboto Slab\",\"typography_font_weight\":\"400\",\"__globals__\":{\"typography_typography\":\"\"}},\"elements\":[],\"widgetType\":\"text-editor\"}],\"isInner\":false}],\"isInner\":false}]"],"_yoast_wpseo_metadesc":["When the European Court of Human Rights (hereinafter referred to as the ECtHR) examines issues concerning compliance with Article 3 of Protocol No. 1 (the right to free elections) to the European Convention on Human Rights (hereinafter referred to as the ECHR), it focuses on two criteria: whether there was an arbitrary element or a lack of proportionality, and whether the restriction interfered with the free expression of the people\u2019s will."],"_yoast_wpseo_focuskw":["The restriction on running for 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